Prosody; Vowels; De-nasalisation; Development of the Semi-Vowels; The Yat’; Consonants; Palatalizations; Reductions; Metatheses
All four homework assignments with the following lexical list. You will use this and this Indo-European databases. as well as Vasmer's dictionary. HW #4 (due end of week 4): Establish PIE sources for all vowels on the list; HW #5 (due end of week 5): Find as many present-day Slavic equivalents of the lexemes from the list and explain the development of all vowels; HW #6 (due end of week 6): Establish PIE sources for all consonants on the list; HW #7 (due end of week 7): Explain the consonantal and distribution changes from CSL to the present-day Slavic languages.
Multiple choice on phonological development (first half hour of week 8)
PIE Vocalism
a) Full monophtongs
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|
Front |
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Back |
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High |
ǐ |
|
ǔ |
< reduced diphtongs |
|
Medium |
ĕ |
|
ǒ |
primary vowels |
|
Low |
|
ǎ |
|
primary vowel |
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|
Front |
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Back |
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|
High |
ī |
|
ū |
< reduced diphtongs |
|
Medium |
ē |
|
ō |
primary vowels |
|
Low |
|
ā |
|
primary vowels |
b) Semivowels (schwas)
ə1 – schwa primum/schwa Indo-Germanicum < reduced long primary vowels
ə2 – schwa secundum < reduced short primary vowels
c) Diphtongs
c1) Vocalic
|
|
Front 2nd part |
Back 2nd Part |
|
Long 1st part |
ēi̯, ōi̯, āi̯ |
ēu̯, ōu̯, āu̯ |
|
Short 1st part |
ĕi̯, ǒi̯, ǎi̯ |
ĕu̯, ǒu̯, ǎu̯ |
c2) Mixed
|
|
Nasal 2nd Part |
Liquid 2nd Part |
|
Long 1st part |
ēm, ōm, ām, ēn, ōn, ān |
ēr, ōr, ār, ēl, ōl, āl |
|
Short 1st part |
ĕm, ǒm, ǎm, ĕn, ǒn, ǎn |
ĕr, ǒr, ǎr, ĕl, ǒl, ǎl |
d) Vocalic Resonants (only in non-vocalic environments)
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|
Short |
Long |
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|
Nasal |
m̥̆, n̥̆ |
m̥̄, n̥̄ |
< reduced mixed diphtongs |
|
Liquid |
r̥̆, l̥̆ |
r̥̄, l̥̄ |
< reduced diphtongs |
27 inherent units
54 with suprasegmental features
PIE Consonantism
|
|
lab |
den |
vel |
pal |
lab-vel |
nas-lab |
nas-lin |
liq-lat |
liq-vibr |
gli-lab |
gli-lin |
|
voiceless stops |
p |
t |
k |
ḱ |
ku̯ |
m |
n |
l |
r |
u̯ |
i̯ |
|
voiced stops |
b |
d |
g |
ǵ |
gu̯ |
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voiceless aspirated stops |
ph |
th |
kh |
ḱh |
ku̯h |
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|
voiced aspirated stops |
bh |
dh |
gh |
ǵh |
gu̯h |
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|
voiceless fricative |
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s |
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voiced fricative |
|
(z) |
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28 units
27/28 vowel/consonat ratio = .96
Common Slavic Vocalism
a) Full Vowels
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|
|
Front |
|
Back |
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|
High |
+nas |
i |
y |
u |
+nas |
|
Mid |
ę |
e |
|
o |
ǫ |
|
Low |
|
|
a |
|
|
e,o – short, all others long
b) Semivowels
|
Front |
Back |
|
ь |
ъ |
c) The jat’
ѣ (ĕ)
d) Vocaic r and l
|
|
Front |
Back |
|
Vibrant |
ь̯r̥ |
ъ̯r̥ |
|
Lateral |
ь̯l̥ |
ъ̯l̥ |
14 units
Common Slavic Consonantism
|
|
Labial |
Dental |
Palatal |
Velar |
||||||||
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Voiceless |
|
Voiced |
Voiceless |
|
Voiced |
Voiceless |
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Voiced |
Voiceless |
|
Voiced |
|
Stop |
p |
|
b |
t |
|
d |
t’ |
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d’ |
k |
|
g |
|
Spirant |
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|
s |
|
z |
š (s’) |
|
ž |
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x |
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Affricate |
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c |
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Ʒ |
č (c’) |
|
(Ʒ’) |
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Nasal |
|
m |
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n |
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ń |
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Liquid |
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vibrant |
r l |
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r’ l’ |
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|
26 (23) units
10/26 – vowel/cons ratio = .54
The Development of Phonology
Proto Indo-European (PIE) > Early Proto-Slavic (EPS) > Late Common Slavic (LCS) > Slavic languages and dialects.
Here: PIE > LCS > Slavic languages and dialects
PIE, Major Characteristics:
a) Rich and diversified vocalism (full, reduced vowels, diphtongs)
b) Quantity independent from quality (e.g., a can be both long and short)
c) High Vowel vs. Consonant Ratio
d) Rich back consonants op`positions
e) Labialization
f) Aspiration
g) Both closed and open syllables
PIE > LCS, Major Lines of Development
a) Quantitatively and qualitatively reduced vocalism (esp. monophtogization)
b) Quality linked with quantity
c) Nasalization of the vowels
d) Deaspiration
e) Depalatalization of the velars
f) New palatalizations and jotations
g) Oppositions shift toward the front consonants
h) Open syllables only (e.g., PIE sūnǔs vs. LCS synъ)
PIE > Slavic languages, Major Lines of Development
a) Further simplification of the vocalism (reductions of the semivowels, jat’, nasals in most languages)
b) Mostly quantitative consonantal changes
c) Open and closed syllables (e.g., LCS synъ vs. Pol. syn)
Development of the Vocalism
LCS e
1)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Example |
Proof |
|
ĕ |
> |
e |
bherō > berǫ |
Lat. fero, lit. beriù |
2)
|
LCS |
|
SL |
Language; Condition |
Example |
|
e |
> |
e |
All languages; |
S-Cr berem, Rus. берю |
|
e |
> |
’o |
Rus,Bel; |
Rus. сёла |
|
e |
> |
’o |
Pol; |
Pol. żona, czoło |
|
e |
> |
(’)o |
Sor; |
U.Sor. čoło, L.Sor. coło |
Logic of the exceptions – regressive assimilation (the first element adjusts to the second):
[soft vowel][hard consonant] > [palatalization][hard vowel][hard consonant]
LCS o
1)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Example |
Proof |
|
ǒ |
> |
o |
oku̯- > oko |
Lat. okulis |
|
ǎ |
> |
o |
ar- > or’ǫ |
Lat. aro, Lit ariù |
2)
|
LCS |
|
SL |
Language; Condition |
Example |
|
o |
> |
o |
All languages; |
S-Cr oko, Pol. oko |
|
o |
> |
u |
WSL; |
Cze. vůl, vola, Pol. gród, grodu |
Logic of the exception – influence of the closed syllable
LCS a
1)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Example |
Proof |
|
ā |
> |
a |
mātēr > mati |
Lat. māter, Ltv. māte |
|
ō |
> |
a |
dō- > dati |
Lat. dōnum |
2)
|
LCS |
|
SL |
Language; Condition |
Example |
|
a |
> |
a |
All languages; |
S-Cr mati, Rus. мать |
Linking quality to quantity
|
|
short > |
o |
< short |
|
|
a |
|
|
|
o |
|
|
long > |
a |
< long |
|
LCS u
1)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Example |
Proof |
|
au̯, ou̯[cons/end of the word] |
> |
u |
au̯s- > ucho |
Lat. auris, Lit. ausìs |
2)
|
LCS |
|
SL |
Language; Condition |
Example |
|
u |
> |
u |
All languages; |
S-Cr oko, Pol. oko |
|
u |
> |
ou |
Cze; |
Cze. soud |
LCS i
1)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Example |
Proof |
|
ī |
> |
i |
gu̯īu̯s > živъ |
Lat. vīvus |
|
ei̯ |
> |
i |
u̯ei̯dos > vidъ |
Lit. véidas |
|
oi̯, ai̯ [end of the word] |
> |
i |
stoloi̯ > stoli |
Lit. stalaĩ |
2)
|
LCS |
|
SL |
Language; Condition |
Example |
|
i |
> |
i |
All languages; |
S-Cr piti, Pol. pić |
|
i |
> |
y |
East Slavic and
Lechitic; |
Pol. stoły, Rus. столы |
LCS y
1)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Example |
Proof |
|
ū |
> |
y |
tū - > ty |
Lat. tū |
2)
|
LCS |
|
SL |
Language; Condition |
Example |
|
y |
> |
i |
South Slavic |
S-Cr biti |
|
y |
> |
y |
East Slavic, Lechitic, Sorbian |
Pol. być, Rus. быть |
|
y |
> |
/- pal/ i |
Standard Czech; Slovak |
Cze. syn [sin] |
LCS ъ and ь
1)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Example |
Proof |
|
ǔ |
> |
ъ |
snǔsos -> snъxa |
Lat. nurus |
|
a,o > ə2 |
> |
ъ |
ə2ǵ- -> vъz- |
Ltv. uz < az |
|
ǐ |
> |
ь |
mǐgla -> mьgla |
Lit. miglà |
|
e > ə2 |
> |
ь |
ku̯ə2tur- > čьtyre |
Lit. keturì |
2)
Strong vs. Weak Semivowels
A Semivowel is strong in the syllable preceeding a
weak semivowel. In all other positions a semivowel is weak, e
|
|
1 |
|
2 |
|
|
s |
ъ |
н |
ъ |
- > Rus. сон |
|
|
3 |
|
|
|
|
s |
ъ |
n |
a |
- > Rus. сна |
1 – strong (before 2)
2,3 – weak (all other positions, e.g., before a full vowel, end of the world, etc.)
Weak ъ,ь > 0 (cca 11th century)
Strong ъ,ь have the following lines of development:
a. Semivowels retained or they yield full vowels (Bulgarian, Slovene)
b. Semivowels yield full vowels, and so:
b1. They merge before turning into full vowels (Serbo-Croatian),
b2. They keep separate inherent features (East Slavic, Macedonian),
b3. They keep separate contextual values (West Slavic)
Examples:
a. Bul. сън < сънъ, ден < dьnь
b1. S-Cr. san < сънъ, dan < dьnь
b2. Rus. сoн < сънъ, день < dьnь
b3. Pol. sen < сънъ, dzień < dьnь
Present-day alternations (a:0, e:0, o:0, d:dz’) as a result of the development of the semivowels
|
|
Nom. |
Gen. |
|
Rus. |
сон, день |
с0на, д0ня |
|
Pol. |
sen, dzień |
s0na, d0nia |
|
S-Cr. |
san, dan |
s0na, dana (hist. d0ne) |
LCS ѣ
1)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Example |
Proof |
|
ē |
> |
ѣ |
sēmn̥t > sѣmę |
Lat. sēmen |
|
oi̯, ai̯ |
> |
ѣ |
lai̯u̯os > lѣvъ |
Lat. laevus |
2)
Numerous isoglosses dividing both Slavic languages and their dialects
East Slavic:
Rus, Bel. ѣ > e (ё) звезда звёзды; Not all Russian dialects follow this development
Ukr. ѣ > ’i хлiб
West Slavic:
Pol. ѣ [t,d,n,s,z,ł,r] > ‘a, ѣ[!t,d,n,s,z,ł,r] > ‘e biały:
bielić, las:w lesie
Slov. ѣ̄ /long/ > ie biely, ѣ̆ /short/ > e pena
Cze. ѣ > e (default) seno, [t,d,n]ѣ > ‘e tělo, [p,b,v,m] ѣ > ie běh, [!t,d,n,p,b,v,m] ѣ̄ /long/ > í vím
Sor. ѣ > ie USor. běh, LSor. běg
South Slavic
Bul. ѣ > ‘a (default), ѣ[syllable with a soft vowel] > e бял:бели, голям:големи; Not all Bulgarian dialects follow
Mac. ѣ > e seno, mleko
Slov. ѣ > ė (narrow e) mesto
S-Cr. ѣ > e hleb, lep or ѣ̄ /long/ > ije bijeli, [l,n]ѣ̆ /short/ > ‘e ljepota, [!l,n]ѣ̆ /short/ > je pjena; Not all S-Cr dialects follow
OCS. retains ѣ
LCS ę and ǫ
1)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Example |
Proof |
|
en,em[cons] |
> |
ę |
penku̯tos > pętь |
Lit. peñktas |
|
en[0] |
> |
ę |
men > mę |
Pind. mām |
|
m̥, n̥ > im, in > ьm, ьn |
> |
ę |
neu̯n̥to > devętь |
Lit. deviñtas |
|
on,an,om,an[cons] |
> |
ǫ |
ronka > rǫka |
Lit. rankà |
|
ōn, ān[0] |
> |
ǫ |
ronkān > rǫkǫ |
Opr. ronkān |
|
m̥, n̥
> um, un > ъm, ъn |
> |
ǫ |
dm̥ti > dǫti |
Lit. dùmti |
2)
East Slavic
ǫ > u, ę > ‘a Rus. рука, пять
West Slavic
Cze, Slo: ǫ > u (>ou in Cze) Slo, Cze ruka, Slo súd, Cze soud
Cze. ę > e (default) deset, [t,d,n]ę > ‘e jehně, [p,b,v,m]ę > ie pět, [!t,d,n,p,b,v,m] ę̄ /long/ >
a/í maso/vzíti
Slo. ę > a (default) desat’, [b,p,v,m]ę > ä/ia mäso/piaty, [t,d,l,n] ę > ‘a t’ah
Sor. follow the Cze/Slo pattern (ǫ > u, varied reflexes of the ę)
Pol. Retains both phonemic values but in different contexts. The neural network model of the change.
|
bottom
layer |
|
ǫ |
|
|
ę |
|
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/ |
|
\ |
/ |
|
\ |
|
hidden layer |
ǭ |
|
ǫ̆ |
‘ǭ |
|
‘ǫ̆ |
|
|
\ |
|
\ |
/ |
|
/ |
|
top layer |
|
ǫ |
<- |
-> |
ę |
|
e.g. dǫbъ > dąb, rǫka > ręka, pamętь > pamięć, mѣsęcь > miesiąc
South Slavic
Slov. ǫ > o, ę > e roka, pet (the only language with direct denasalization)
S-Cr. ǫ > u, ę > e ruka, pet
Mac. ǫ > a, ę > e рака, пет
Bul. ǫ > ъ, ę > e ръка, пет
LCS ь̯r̥, ъ̯r̥, ь̯l̥, ъ̯l̥
Unclear, probably from PIE r̥, l̥ via BSL [front semivowel]{r,l}, [back semivowel]{r,l}
Secondary groups in South and West Slavic with the semivocalic element after the liquid
2)
East Slavic
ь̯r̥ > er, ъ̯r̥ >or, ь̯l̥ > ol, ъ̯l̥ > ol Rus. горло, смерт, волк, долгий
South Slavic
S-Cr. ь̯r̥ > r̥, ъ̯r̥ >r, ь̯l̥ > u, ъ̯l̥ > u grlo, smrt, vuk, dug
Slov. ь̯r̥ > r̥, ъ̯r̥ >r̥, ь̯l̥ > ou̯, ъ̯l̥ > ou̯ grlo, smrt, volk, dolg
Mac. ь̯r̥ > r̥, ъ̯r̥ >r̥, ь̯l̥ > ol, ъ̯l̥ > ol drvo, smrt, volna, dolg
Bul. ь̯r̥, ъ̯r̥ > ъr/rъ, ь̯l̥, ъ̯l̥ > ъl/lъ връх, върба, жлъч, мълча
West Slavic
Cze., Slo. Retain both r̥, and l̥ (e.g., Cze. smrt, vlk) with some decomposing as exceptions in Czech (esp. in the case of the l̥, e.g. žlutý)
Pol., Sor. Decompositions and methateses dependend on both inherent features and the context
Pol.
ъ̯r̥ > ar
ь̯r̥ > ‘ež (default) wierzba, [t,d,n,s,z,ł]ь̯r̥ > ar martwy
[!t,d,s,č,ž]ъ̯l̥ > eł pełny, [t,d,s]ъ̯l̥ > ło /short/ łu /long/ słońce, długi, [č,ž]ъ̯l̥ > oł /short/ ół /long/ czołn, żółty,
ь̯l̥ > il wilk
Shift from quantitative to qualitative oppositions in the vocalism
|
|
short > |
o |
|
a |
|
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|
|
long > |
a |
|
|
short > |
o |
|
o |
|
|
|
|
long > |
a |
|
|
short > |
e |
|
e |
|
|
|
|
long > |
ѣ |
|
|
long > |
i |
|
i |
|
|
|
|
short > |
ь |
|
|
long > |
y |
|
u |
|
|
|
|
short > |
ъ |
Phonotactical changes
· Open syllable principle:
Every syllable has to end in a vowel
This common Slavic principle has been retained only in OCS. This principle triggers metatheses (with resulting vowel at the end of the syllable) and the monophtongization of the diphtongs (i.e., diphtongs, which end in a non-vowel component are replaced with vocalic monophtongs, see examples above)
Metatheses of the liquids (groups ort, olt, tort, tolt, tert, telt)
Groups [0/cons]{o,e}{r,l}[cons]
|
PIE |
South Slavic |
Czecho-Slovak |
Lechitic-Sorbian |
East Slavic |
|
or |
ra |
ra |
ro (ar) |
oro |
|
er |
rѣ |
rѣ |
re |
ere |
|
ol |
la (al) |
la |
lo |
olo |
|
el |
lѣ |
lѣ |
le (lo) |
olo |
Examples:
*gord (Lit. gar͂das) >
S-Cr. grad, Cze. hrad, Pol. gród,
Rus. город
*berg (Germ. Berg) >
S-Cr. br(ij)eg, Cze. břeh,
Pol. brzeg, Rus. берег
*golv (Lit. galvà)
S-Cr. glava, Cze. hlava, Pol. głowa,
Rus. голова
*melk (Lat. melca) >
S-Cr. ml(ij)eko, Cze. mléko,
Pol. mleko, Rus. молоко
Patterns:
a. pure metathesis (Lechitic and Sorbian),
b. metathesis with lengthening (South and Czecho-Slovac)
c. development of an additional vocalic element (East)
Development of the Consonantism
Principal tendencies:
·
deaspiration
·
delabialization
·
palatalization
· shift toward the front of the mouth cavity
. See this [page about Grimm’s law]
to compare it with the situation in Germanic languages (hence in English)
LCS p,b,d,t
(contination and simple deaspiration)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Examples |
|
p, ph |
> |
p |
pol- > polvъ; sphǒi̯nā > pѣna |
|
b,bh |
> |
b |
būk- > bykъ;
bherō > berǫ |
|
d,dh |
> |
d |
ḱrd- > sь̯r̥dьce; dhūm > dymъ |
|
t,th |
> |
t |
tū > ty; ponth > pǫtь |
LCS s,z
(continuation, shifted depalatalization)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Examples |
|
s, ḱ, ḱh |
> |
s |
stol- > stolъ; ḱolm- > solma; |
|
(z), ǵ,
ǵh |
> |
z |
nizdo (zd < sd <sə2d) > gnѣzdo; ǵnō- > znati, ǵhei̯m- > zima |
LCS k,g
(contination, simple deaspiration, simple delabialization)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Examples |
|
k, ku̯, kh, ku̯h |
> |
k |
būk- > bykъ; u̯l̥ku̯os > vь̯l̥kъ |
|
g, gu̯, gh, gu̯h |
> |
g |
bhog- > bogъ; ghostis > gostь; gu̯ōus > go-vędo; snoi̯gu̯h-
> snѣgъ |
LCS x (qualitatively new element, context-dependentshift toward the
back of the mouth cavity)
|
PIE |
|
LCS |
Examples |
|
{i/u/r/k}s{!p/t/k} |
> |
{i/u/r/k}x{!p/t/k} |
mus- > mъxъ; aus- > uxo; |
Slavic g > h
shift
Regional
(Czecho-Slovak, Upper Sorbian, Ukrainian, Belorussian; Russian, S-Cr, Slovene
dialects), e.g.
Cze:
hlas, hovado, noha,
Slov.
hlas, hovädo, noha
Usor.
hłos, hłova, noha
Ukr. голова [h…], голос [h…], нога
[..h..]
Palatalizations
1. First
Palatalization (regressive)
After s > x, after
delabialization and deaspiration, before the monophtongization
{k,g,x}[front vowel = ь, e, ѣ (! <oi̯), i (! <oi̯), ę, ь̯r̥, ь̯l̥]
> {č ́, ž ́, š ́}[front
vowel = ь, e,
ѣ (! <oi̯), i (! <oi̯), ę, ь̯r̥, ь̯l̥]
ku̯i- > čьto (Lat. quid)
ghl̥tos > žь̯lt̥ъ (Lit. gel̃das)
myxь > myšь (Lat.
mūs)
Development toward
hardening in modern Slavic languages
First
palatalization of the groups sk, zg (major isoglosses dividing Slavic languages
and dialects)
{sk,zg} [front vowel = ь, e, ѣ (! <oi̯), i (! <oi̯), ę, ь̯r̥, ь̯l̥]
> {š ́č ́, ž ́dž ́}
[front vowel = ь, e,
ѣ (! <oi̯), i (! <oi̯), ę, ь̯r̥, ь̯l̥]
Development in Slavic
languages:
East Slavic:
š ́č ́ retained, ž ́dž ́ >
various reflexes, most commonly ž ́ž ́
Rus. пищаль, дрожжи
Lechitic
Hardening š ́č ́ > šč, ž ́dž ́ > ždž
Pol. piszczel, drożdże
Czecho-Slovak, Sorbian
Softening š ́č ́ > šć, ž ́dž ́ > žđ
Cze. pišt'al, droždí
South Slavic
Major differentiation of the dialects
East South Slavic and some S-Cr dialects: št, žd
S-Cr: pištaljka, drožda
Other S-Cr dialects: šć, žj; šč, žj; št, žđ
Slovene: šč, ž
Slovene dialects: šč, ždž; š,ž
2. Second
Palatalization (regressive)
After the monophtongization
{k,g,x}{ѣ (
<oi̯), i (<oi̯)̥} > {c ́, dz ́, s ́}{ѣ ( <oi̯), i (<oi̯)̥}
človѣkъ: človѣk+i > človѣci
bogъ: bog+i > bodzi
duxъ:
dux+i > dusi
Second
palatalization of the groups sk, zg
{sk,zg}{ѣ ( <oi̯), i (<oi̯)̥} > {sc ́, zdz ́}{ѣ ( <oi̯), i (<oi̯)̥}
Retained or simplified (st, zd) in South and East Slavic, e.g. S-Cr.
daska:dasci, OCS. dręzga: dręzdѣ
Merged with the results of the first palatalization in the West and
Belorussian (i.e., š ́č ́, ž ́dž)
Second
palatalization of the groups kwѣ, gwѣ
Indirect palatalization – East and South Slavic only:
|
|
kwѣ |
gwѣ |
|
Rus. |
цвет |
звезда |
|
S-Cr. |
cv(ij)et |
zvijezda |
|
Pol. |
kwiat |
gwiazda |
3. Third Palatalization (progressive)
{ь,i,ę} {k,g,x}{![cons],ъ,y}
> {ь,i,ę} {c ́,dz ́,s ́}{![cons],ъ,y}
ovьka > ovьca
stьga > stьdza
vьxo > vse
Alternations as results of the palatalizations:
S-Cr vojnik:vojniče:vojnici (k:č:c);
lovac:lovče:lovci (c:č)
|
Nom. Sg. |
|
vojni |
k |
|
|
|
Voc. Sg. |
|
vojni |
č |
e |
1st |
|
Nom. Pl. |
|
vojni |
c |
i |
2nd |
|
Nom. Sg. |
lov |
a |
c |
|
3rd |
|
Voc. Sg. |
lov |
0 |
č |
e |
1st |
|
Nom. Pl. |
lov |
0 |
c |
i |
2nd |
Jotations
Differentiate Slavic from
Baltic languages (where jotations are found only sporadically in Lithuanian).
Dental Siprants
{s,z}j
> {š ́,ž ́}
pišǫ: pisati
vęžǫ: vęzati
Hardening in most Slavic
languages and dialects
Velars
{k,g,x}j
> {č ́, š ́, ž ́}
plačь:plakati
duša:duxъ
lъžǫ:lъgati
Hardening in most Slavic languages and dialects (č > c in Lower Sorbian,
remains soft in Russian and Upper Sorbian)
{sk,zg}j > {š ́č ́, ž ́dž ́}
iš ́čǫ:iskati
zviždǫ:zvizg-
Further development as in the case of the first palatalization described
above
Alveolars
{l,n,r}j > {l’, ń, r’}
Further development:
ń retained: S-Cr konj, Pol. koń, Rus. конь
l’ le ł
a. Reduction to one value:
Cze. has only l
b. Reduction to two
values:
S-Cr. has l’ le
Rus. has l’ ł
c. Reduction and extension
of the scale
Pol. and Slo. have le u̯
r’
Retained in Рус., Ukr., Sor, OCS and
partially Bul, e.g. Rus. море
Hardening in Bel., Slov,
S-Cr., and Mac, e.g. S-Cr more
Decomposition in Slov
(before a vowel), e.g. morje
Shift in Pol. and Cze,
i.e. r’ > rž (Czech) > ž (Polish), e.g. Cze pekař, Pol. piekarz
Labials
{b,p,v,m}j > {b’,p’,v’,m’}
L epentheticum in East and South Slavic
Rus: куплю, грабли, земля, ловлю
S-Cr: kupljen, grablje, zemlja, ulovljen
Pol. kupiony, grabie, ziemia, łowię
Dental Stops
Major isoglosses
differentiating Slavic languages and dialects
{t,d}j
> {t’,d’}
svѣt'a, med'a
East Slavic:
č ́, ž Rus.
свеча,
межа
West Slavic:
c, dz Pol. świeca, miedza
South Slavic:
Bul., OCS:
št, žd, e.g. Bul. свещ, межда
Mac.
ќ, ģ e.g., свеќа, меѓа
Standard S-Cr
ć, đ, e.g. sv(ij)eća, međa
S-Cr ča dialect
ć, j, e.g. svića, meja
Slo and S-Cr kaj dialect
č, j, e.g. sveča, meja
{st,zd}j > {š ́č ́, ž ́dž ́}
pustjǫ > puš ́č
́ǫ
ѣzdjǫ > ѣž ́dž
́ǫ
Further development just like sk, zg above
{kt,gt,xt}i > {t’}
rekti > ret'i
mogti > mot'i
verxti > vrѣt'i
Further development as tj above
Reductions
Principle of rising
sonority
Mostly regressive reductions of the sequences violating the principle
ps, bs, ts, ds > s, e.g. opsa > osa (Lat. vespa)
ks, gs > x, e.g., tēkxon > tѣxъ
tsl, dsl > sl, e.g., čistlo > čislo
tsm > sm, e.g., čistmę > čismę
kst, gst > st, e.g., rēkste > rѣste
pt, bt > t, e.g., grebti > greti
pn, bn, tn, dn > n, e.g., sъpnos > sъnъ
dm, tm > m, e.g., dadmi > damь
bv > b, e.g.,
ob-volko > oblako
tt > st, e.g., metti > mesti
tl, dl
> l (only East and South), e.g., Rus. плела, рало, Pol. plotła, radło, S-Cr plela,
ralo
[cons][cons] > [cons], e.g. oќsis > ossis > osь
Positional
softness in Slavic
Retained in the East,
e.g., Rus. дедушка [d’eduška]
Depalatalization in the
South, e.g., S-Cr. deda [deda]
Partial preservation in
the West, e.g. Pol. Pol. dziadek [đadek]
Prothetic
consonants in Slavic
Quality:
CSL: intensity, length, pitch =>
West Southern - retained
East, Polish and East Southern - reduced to intensity
Other Western - intensity and length Distribution:
CSL: free => East, Slo, S-Cr, Bul, - free or relatively free Other - fixed